A CICERONIAN LAWYER'S MUSINGS ON LAW, PHILOSOPHY, CURRENT AFFAIRS, LITERATURE, HISTORY AND LIVING LIFE SECUNDUM NATURAM
Thursday, December 23, 2021
Homage to Krampus
Monday, November 29, 2021
Brains in Vats and the Untrammeled Mind
Tuesday, October 26, 2021
The Coarsening of Stoicism
Thursday, October 21, 2021
Removing Jefferson
Thursday, September 30, 2021
Disappointment in the Law
We should be thankful for the warning, but it might be said that the law has always been disappointing in one way or another. I venture to say that to lawyers, the law may be disappointing on a daily basis. That may be the case for their clients as well, sadly. The law isn't satisfying by its nature, being restrictive in many cases, a nuisance in others.
But clearly the Justice wasn't speaking about the law's often disappointing intricacy and obtuseness, or the disappointment caused by its flawed application by some of the many minions of the legal system. She was apparently referring to something she anticipates will disappoint us in our regard for the law as something which is worthy of regard; in other words, in the law as a representation of justice. It seems from what she said that she expects to write many dissents in the future.
As I've written before, I distinguish the law from what's moral, and therefore from what's just. That's to say, I believe the law is the law regardless of whether its considered moral or just. There may be unjust laws; there may be unjust decisions made by courts. This doesn't mean they aren't law.
Neither does it mean it mean that laws may not disappoint because they're bad laws or are unjust. So, Justice Sotomayor, being a member of the Supreme Court, likely means that she expects to be disappointed by decisions made by that august body in the future and expects others will be disappointed as well.
She already expressed disappointment with the decision of the majority of the Court to avoid addressing the Texas abortion law which was the subject of the last post. "Disappointment" is probably too mild a word to describe what she wrote regarding the majority's evasion. It's too mild a word to describe what I felt about it.
What she means can't be determined precisely, but I suspect that what she anticipates is that forthcoming decisions by the Supremes should be expected to reflect the positions and, presumably, prejudices of the majority of the Justices who are described as conservatives. Just what "conservative" means in these dark times is debatable, but given the cases which are scheduled to come before them I'd guess that she anticipates disappointment with decisions in those cases addressing abortion and the Second Amendment, and other cases where individual rights--those viewed as contained within the Bill of Rights especially--are opposed to what would arguably seem to be the public interest.
The conflict between those rights as perceived and the health and welfare of others isn't something new. And in fact it's been recognized, at least in the past and at least in the law, that those rights aren't absolute and are subject to qualification. Now, though, it isn't apparent that we possess the intelligence and sophistication required to recognize the need for qualifications, or when we do possess them whether there is enough interest in them for them to be applied.
Our gun-mad nation seems so enamored of firearms that many believe there is no limitation whatsoever on the desire to acquire, and perhaps even use, them regardless of what they may be. Anti-maskers and anti-vaxxers are so extreme in their opinions that they seem convinced that their "right" not to wear masks and not be vaccinated must be honored regardless of any risk to others (which they busily downplay in any case). Already we've seen the First Amendment construed to include "money" as a form of speech, regardless of the propensity for corruption, and corporations granted the right to practice religion or hold religious beliefs without legal restriction.
Members of the "conservative" majority on the Supreme Court are aware that some question their motivations, suggesting that they will make decisions consistent with political positions and prejudices. So we see them busily denying they will do so, claiming that they aren't "political hacks" and that they aren't a "cabal." Claiming that they are is said to be an attempt to intimidate the Court. They sound rather defensive, I think. Reacting to claims of political motivations by calling them attempts at intimidation emphasizes the significance of such motivations, in my mind. If political motivations play no part in a Justice's decisions, why would concern about them be considered intimidating by that Justice?
"What power has law where only money rules?" asked Petronius Arbiter, courtier in the court of Nero. Not much, it would seem; and the power of money is unrivaled when it comes to politics, thanks in part to the Supremes themselves. Where money is power, the law will protect the moneyed interests. Those with money will want to keep it, and in a time of limited resources that will mean keeping money out of the hands of others, and the government. Perhaps this is what Justice Sotomayor fears will foster disappointment in the law. If not, it's a legitimate fear. The protection of legal rights, individual rights, is essentially selfish when it comes to gaining and preserving money and power, and that would seem the overwhelming concern of those who already have money, and power.
Tuesday, September 7, 2021
The Grotesque Texas "Fetal Heartbeat" Law
It's apparent that reasonable discussion of abortion may no longer be possible (even its name is contentious) but let's endeavor to focus instead on this remarkable, and peculiar, law. I think it's no exaggeration to describe it as grotesque regardless of where one stands on whether or not abortion should be prohibited. Those who are convinced abortion is a dire sin or a criminal act akin to murder may not care whether it makes any sense from a legal perspective or whether it is or is not constitutional, true. But any lawyer should care, and a lawyer I am and have been for a long time. As a lawyer, I find it an ugly and distorted thing, as laws go.
It's unsurprising that it's been drafted, very deliberately, in an effort to avoid a constitutional challenge based on Roe v. Wade and successor cases. But it's not artfully drafted in any sense. It's clumsily written. The evasion it attempts is ham-handed, even stupidly obvious. It appears to be a cut-and-paste job. It's as if the drafters took a law intended to make abortion a criminal offense, and then altered it in as heavy-handed a way as possible to make of it a civil law, granting a civil cause of action to private citizens.
Reading it, I was reminded of an old SCTV skit in which Rick Moranis and Dave Thomas were editing film using cleavers. It's a Frankenstein's monster of a law, consisting of odds and ends from other laws stitched together.
It achieves its apparent purpose, to make a criminal law a civil cause of action, by first granting standing to sue to people who suffer no direct harm or risk by virtue of the prohibited acts. It stands standing on its head, in a manner of speaking; standing is not standing for purposes of this law. Then, it grants "damages" in a minimum amount of $10,000 to a prevailing party who is not damaged by any of the prohibited acts in any sense otherwise recognized in the law. Thus, damages are to be awarded to those who sustain no damages. In addition, it provides for attorney's fees to be awarded to a successful plaintiff, but not to a successful defendant. It makes any lawyer who defends a defendant liable for those attorney's fees. It limits defenses which can be raised to the point where there is virtually no defense against an action. Every effort is made, seemingly, to encourage suit and discourage any contest by making it very likely that a plaintiff will be successful.
It's clearly a parody or perversion of the laws that make a private citizen a "private attorney general" to protect the public from harm for, e.g., civil rights violations, environmental damages, lack of transparency in government, and other laws which contain similar "fee-shifting" provisions. It's clearly an effort to impose a fine, or penalty or forfeiture in the guise of "damages." It's brazenly, cynically, grotesque. No effort is made to give it even the appearance of a just, equitable law.
Our Supreme Court has managed to duck the serious constitutional questions it acknowledges are presented by the law, thus assuring its enforcement until such time as it cannot be ignored by the Justices. The wisdom of this evasion is questionable. One would hope that if the Court decides to overrule Roe v. Wade it would do so openly rather than merely allowing its precedent to be so utterly ignored and over ridden.
There's much more which can be said about the law and its encouragement of litigation, and of course about abortion generally, but I'm striving to limit this post to a merely legal analysis. The fact that it is such a poorly drafted and peculiarly partial and unfair law may lead one to question it on other grounds as well, however.
Wednesday, August 25, 2021
Islands in the Stream of Consciousness
Stream of Consciousness is a literary device, but the phrase, or something like it, was used by the psychologist-philosopher William James in this Principles of Psychology to describe states of consciousness, or thoughts or ideas, as being a process, a flow, rather than isolated and distinct from one another. Efforts were made by certain authors to replicate this flow in their poetry and novels. Famous practitioners were James Joyce, William Faulkner, Jack Kerouac, Virginia Woolf and others.
I doubt that the literary technique is or can be anything like the process or flow conceived of by James, however. The fact that it's employed for a purpose--that it is indeed a technique, a contrivance--renders this impossible. What James and others (like John Dewey) point out is that typically our states of mind or consciousness are non-reflective. In other words, we don't constantly think; we don't consider means and ends, we don't anticipate events or consequences. In fact, we seldom do. We think when we have to do so, or are induced to think by encountering a situation we find problematic or dissatisfying in some sense. Then, we seek to resolve it. For the most part, we merely feel, or react thoughtlessly, as a "habit" to use Dewey's terminology.
Stream of consciousness writing is deliberate, and requires thought. Through thinking, the practitioners of Stream of Consciousness writing attempt to imitate that which isn't thought.
It doesn't work. If you read examples of it you may find on the internet, I think you'll agree with me. What you'll see, I believe, is an effort to express thoughts or feelings in an unconventional manner, sometimes disjointed, sometimes juxtaposition is unexpected, sometimes surprising but not as a stream or flow. In fact, the thoughts, feelings, ideas presented using the Stream of Consciousness technique are staccato.
How could they not be? It's a limitation imposed by language itself, I think. Even shorn of such words as pronouns, the description of walking in the woods would be something like: Walking, exercise, wood smell, sunny, feeling fit, warm, getting tired, etc. The description is necessarily made up of separate items, independent of one another.
Words, books, poetry, fiction and non-fiction prose aren't part of James' stream of consciousness, because they're read. A book or books might be when we merely see or encounter them, but reading and understanding them are not.
It's true that they may serve to evoke a feeling, however. But that feeling, having been evoked by the effort of reading and comprehending, isn't part of the stream. Like reading itself, like thinking, like acting for a purpose, they can be thought of as islands in the stream of consciousness as my old friend put it. They break up the stream, they divert it, for a time. Then, we get back to simply existing.
Because writing supposed to reflect a Stream of Consciousness clearly does no such thing (or so I think) I wonder whether such writing was more a fad than anything else. Perhaps Gertrude Stein was reading James on psychology on day and was struck by the idea, and passed it on to her acolytes, who passed it on in turn. E.E. Cummings is said to be a poet who used the technique. If so, his poems always strike me as disjointed, deliberately so--staccato, in fact--and perhaps that can be said to prove my point. His poems have impact, but they can hardly be said to flow. They don't flow, they jerk from point to point. It seems odd to me that any writer would think that they were accurately portraying the way our consciousness works using this device.
Ultimately, perhaps, reading prompts us to decide what kind of island in the Stream of Consciousness writing we want to live on or explore, for a time. The part of the writer is to make the island worth exploring. What is worth exploring will vary from person to person and time to time, of course, but that's the way of real islands as well.
Wednesday, August 18, 2021
Nation Building, Nation Leaving
Not for nothing has Afghanistan been called "the graveyard of empires." It's seen several come and go, and it's unclear that any of them left it changed in any significant or enduring respect. This isn't to say that it has been unchanged since the time of Alexander the Great, when he and the army his father Phillip built wandered and conquered there. But it is to say that what has changed in Afghanistan would very likely have changed regardless of efforts made to control and dominate it by foreign powers.
Our Glorious Union was there in force for twenty years. Let's not debate whether our Great Republic is an empire, properly speaking. Let's not debate the soundness of the reasons for our entry, though that's certainly something which can be debated. Of more importance at this time (I think) are what took place after we intervened in that country's history, and the manner of our departure.
I can't think of an instance where a foreign power has conquered a nation and successfully built another, different nation in its place. The concept of "nation building" strikes me as essentially hubristic. It's a task so colossal, and therefore so expensive, that it's hard to believe any would attempt it. Ancient Rome managed to conquer and have imperium of vast territory occupied by different nations for centuries, but even when "Romanizing" its provinces, it never sought to drastically alter the religion and culture of those conquered, except in the case of Judea. Judea was a special case, though. It revolted twice, and its distinctness, otherwise tolerated by Rome due to the fact its uniqueness was ancient, became dangerous. Also, the emperor who presided over the second revolt of its people, Hadrian, was misguided in thinking he could change it into something it simply could not be.
It's likely that Hadrian may have thought not merely that the response to the second revolt should be brutal and thoroughly so, as it certainly was. He may have thought, as an avid Hellenophile, that suppression of Judaism and forceful imposition of Graeco-Roman culture and religion was in the best interest of its people.
It doesn't seem to be the case that we entered Afghanistan to engage in nation building. But the mission must have changed, somehow. Our leaders evidently thought it was in the best interests of the people of Afghanistan that its society, culture and religion be changed, not merely that its people be controlled and rendered quiescent. The latter was generally the strategy of Rome. Let them be orderly, peaceful, and tax-paying, respectful of the genius of Rome and its emperors; then all will be well no matter what gods they worship or what their customs may be. It's possible that order may have been achieved, and violence, at least against the U.S., limited if not eradicated. But I think it's always been highly unlikely that Afghanistan would become anything like America or Europe in its customs, or in its religion or system of law, or in the freedoms and rights granted its people, though that may well be in the best interests of its people.
When that's unlikely or impossible, the wisdom of "nation building" must be questioned, and the costs especially in terms of lives lost or destroyed that result from such an ill-fated effort recognized, and it should be avoided. Some people are very different from us and some don't even want to be like us. They can't be made to be like us. This should be a truth easy enough to accept. But it seems we don't, or can't accept it.
In any case, it seems that if we're inclined to accept it, we do so far too late, and when we do we strive to extricate ourselves from the mess created precipitately. We want to "cut our losses" as soon as we can. The thought is to remove Americans as quickly as possible, regardless of consequences. The result is chaos. Such is the fate of those who purport to create a Western style democracy in Afghanistan, perhaps.
The speed with which the Taliban was able to "take back their country" to use a phrase we've heard before was apparently surprising. Also surprising, we hear, was the manner in which the army we tried to create to replace us, eventually, took flight from them. Perhaps it was our intent to help those who helped us, putting their lives at risk, by evacuating them as well as ourselves. One would hope so. One would hope we still manage to save all the people we can. But we won't save all who helped us or wished for a change, and their fate becomes the legacy of our twenty years there, to little purpose though the cost was great. What did those who died in service to their country there die for? We ask the same question regarding those who died in Vietnam.
A helicopter perched on the top of the U.S. embassy in Saigon, a line of people trying to climb into it. That photograph taken in 1975 during the Fall of Saigon is a famous one, and has been dug up for display alongside photos taken much more recently in Kabul. The evacuation of Saigon was called "Operation Frequent Wind." One wonders who came up with the name, and what was intended by it. Better than "Breaking Wind" I suppose. What will the evacuation of Kabul be called? Something like "Frantic Departure" probably won't be selected.
The United States should not be an empire. It acts as if it is one from time to time. In the Mexican War, in the Spanish-American War, in taking the Philippines. There clearly are moral reasons for not being imperial. But I also think that we're too inclined not only to enrich ourselves and our friends, but also to impose not merely order but what we think and believe on others, our culture and society, on others. That may be impossible and is certainly impractical. We're not Romans, that's to say.
Tuesday, August 10, 2021
Courage, Athletics and Mental Health
I speculate that the self-appointed guardians of morality we hear from regarding this decision would have been silent if a physical injury or condition was involved (at least in ancient Rome, Censors were magistrates appointed not by themselves, but by others). Perhaps I give them too much credit, but I like to think they wouldn't have gotten quite so excited if a broken leg was given as a reason. But alas, not physical, but emotional and what are called "mental" issues were invoked, and this aroused the Censors of this age.
There's no question that successful athletes have been considered heroes or heroic for a very long time. Those who aren't successful generally are ignored at best, mocked at worst. That those who applaud these heroes or mock those who lose are generally themselves entirely lacking as athletes of any kind presents some interesting questions, but those questions will have to be the subjects of another post.
It strikes me that the view that athletes are to struggle on regardless of pain or injury is in some sense romantic, or a kind of expression of perceived masculine virtues--a sort of comparison along the lines of that parodied in SNL's Quien es Mas Macho. I think this may be due, in part, to the tendency to think of sport as a sort of war. Our British cousins are famous, or infamous, for claiming that team sports constitute outstanding preparation for war, and perhaps that has something to do with it. There was a time when it was claimed that battles fought in war were won on the Playing Fields of Eton. Those playing fields and others, though, were played in by the rich and aristocratic, and it's doubtful that they alone, or their schooldays, were responsible for any victory.
There seems to be a difference between our glorification of team sports and the view of athletic heroism held in ancient times by the Greeks and Romans. Individual achievement was glorified in the past, and as far as I'm aware, athletics were not deemed preparation for war in ancient times. War was something fairly common then. Training for war was a part of life for all citizens. It wasn't necessary to pretend to be at war as those of us who have not been at war enjoy doing now.
The case of Simone Biles is an interesting one. She was, in fact, very successful before Tokyo. There can be no question that she is lacking in ability, or that she doesn't have what it takes to be a great athlete. One wonders how many medals are required to establish her qualifications, or to demonstrate she isn't "weak." She had nothing left to prove and could have sat out these Olympics, I believe, without shame.
Nonetheless, her admission of doubts regarding her chances of success have been characterized as weakness; unworthiness, in fact. Indeed, they've been claimed to be characteristic of our society. Or, perhaps it's fairer to say that the reaction of some to her case is considered by others to indicate our nation and society are decadent or decayed.
It's apparent that some of our pundits are irritated that her admission of doubts is being praised by others, and particularly because the praise includes claims she is showing bravery and strength. There is apparently nothing to be praised or honored in honesty in such a case, although given the negative reaction of the more reactionary among us, it may be said a certain bravery was required to make the admission. Praising it or honoring it is said to encourage failure and lack of effort.
The tendency of pundits and media to overstate, and especially to generalize, is clear. It's what those paid to express outrage and emotion, to stir up interest and controversy, do--indeed, what they live for, and as such it's one of the many burdens we must carry throughout our lives given the fact that opinions are now ubiquitous regardless of their merit. So, the praise given may well be excessive, as is the disfavor expressed.
But it's curious how inclined we are to ascribe qualities like courage, bravery, weakness, vacillation to others, especially when it comes to sports figures. It's painfully clear that most of us are incapable of being professional athletes or those who perform at the higher levels. Why then be critical of those of them who decide that it isn't worth their physical or mental health to continue to compete? Why should they think it's worth their own harm to entertain us or indulge our voyeuristic or vicarious needs?
If it's appropriate to speak of the decadence or decay of our society, one would think that the fact we look to sports for examples of courage or moral strength would be a more compelling example of our degeneracy. Is it only in athletics that we think those qualities obtain, or should be manifested? Is their greatest expression pretending not to be concerned about mental or physical health?
Monday, July 19, 2021
Anti-Vax Americana
Friday, June 4, 2021
The Fate of Satire
Reference to a dictionary will reveal that "satire" is, broadly speaking, a work using humor in such forms as irony and exaggeration to ridicule the vices and stupidity of individuals or entities. So defined, satire has been around for thousands of years. In the West, when ancient satirists are considered mention is normally made of Aristophanes among the Greeks, Juvenal, Petronius and Lucian among the Romans. Martial as well, perhaps, though his satire was far more condensed being in the form of epigrams. Seneca too, among the Romans, at least for his ridicule of the Emperor Claudius, applying for membership in the fellowship of the gods after his death. There have been many other satirists throughout history--Rabelais, Voltaire, Cervantes, Swift and Poe, for example, are some of the more famous of the lot.
Satire is generally thought of as a kind of literature, and those named just above are of course writers. Sometimes, though, drawings and paintings are satirical, like the print by Gillray at the top of this post, called The Plumb Pudding in Danger. The plumb pudding is, obviously, the world and it's being carved up by William Pitt, Prime Minister of England, and Napoleon, who had by then become Emperor of France.
The quality of satires varies considerably. So does the kind of humor or style of writing employed by the satirist. Aristophanes' humor was somewhat farcical, as in his lampooning of Socrates and his circle The Clouds. Lucian also targeted philosophers and philosophy, as well as other people and things, and was a mocker. Juvenal's humor was dark and sharp; he had no light touch (I think of his satires as more in the way of rants). Seneca's satire on Claudius struck me as more cruel than witty. Rabelais seems to have made use of absurdity in Gargantua and Pantagruel. Petronius' humor was deadpan, in my opinion. His Trimalchio is unquestionably vulgar and pompous, but Petronius makes this evident merely by describing his statements and conduct, rather than commenting on them. Irony seems to have been Swift's weapon of choice.
In these dark times, there's a concern by some that wit and humor, which would include satire, are being restricted if not entirely eliminated by the tendency of some others to condemn those who use them in referring to certain people or groups of people who are perceived as being or having been treated unjustly because of their difference from what's considered normal. The most recent example that comes to my mind relates to the character Apu in The Simpsons and the apology made by Hank Azaria (his "voice") for his contribution in the stereotypical (though intended to be humorous) depiction of the character running a convenience store. The apology caused John Cleese, formerly of Monty Python, to apologize for mocking white people as part of that group.
Cleese's point is fairly obvious, I think--that humor, and satire, are used in reference to all people indiscriminately, and should be. In other words, that no one should be exempt from mockery merely by virtue of what they are.
That makes a certain sense, as does a related claim being made in these dark times--that nobody should be discriminate against, and therefore treating certain people better than others because or their race or religion, for example, is wrong. From that, of course, it follows (or so it's claimed) that white, Christian people are being discriminated against when others are given certain advantages or benefits, or are deemed to have special claims to be satisfied.
In order for that position to accepted as appropriate, however, it's necessary to assume that we all are in the same position when it comes to treatment by each other, society and government. If we existed on the fabled "level playing field" then a case can be made that favoring one group or person over another merely because they have a certain skin color or religion or other characteristics would be unjust. That playing field doesn't exist, however, and never has existed. To pretend that it does for purposes of complaining about discrimination against currently privileged people is fatuous, and indeed unworthy.
When we insist that we should treating each other as if we all existed on a level playing field, we acknowledge that it would be desirable that we should live on that level playing field. If we acknowledge that, though, we have to admit that we don't at this time, at least if we're honest. So, one would think it would also be desirable that levelling steps should be taken, But that would mean that those underprivileged or discriminated against unjustly, here and now, be benefited more than those who are not. Unfortunately, that's not something the haves are normally willing to grant the have-nots, particularly if that would mean the haves would have less than they do now.
So, I don't think this is a viable position, even when it comes to humor. Does that mean that humor, and satire, will inevitably disappear?
I doubt it, unless we expect that the kind of totalitarian society envisioned by the notoriously humorless Plato and put into place by such as Stalin and Mao will be our future. The great Roman satirists lived in Imperial Rome, not exactly a free society, and managed to thrive. I don't think shaming of the kind being practiced now will significantly restrict our tendency to mock and ridicule each other. As well expect that wars will end. Perhaps the more egregious kind of ridicule will be reduced, which wouldn't be a bad thing. Satire is best when it is witty and subtle, not blunt and obvious or offensive. It will survive all the moralists of this time as it has in the past.
Wednesday, May 5, 2021
Napoleon + 200 Years = ?
It's to be expected, it seems, that whenever a figure of the past is considered or noted for one reason or another, there is someone ready to point out something that figure did or said or thought which we now abhor. This is particularly true when the figure is significant, and even especially when that figure is or has been thought heroic or admirable. The fact is that most of the people now dead did, said or thought things which we find objectionable, and rightly so. Our ancestors seem to become in certain respects more and more disturbing to us as the years between our time and theirs' grows greater.
I doubt that Napoleon Bonaparte is considered a hero by anyone now, but he was for a time. He was, I think, a hero of the worst kind--a Romantic hero. In other words, Romantics thought him heroic. The first half of the 19th century was cluttered with Romantics, people who loved romance, naturally enough, but also individualism, emotion, fervor, brilliance. People who deplored the merely reasonable, and were artists or thought themselves artists, who delighted in going their own way, whatever that may be, shocking the stolid burgesses and philistines of their era. It's likely that some even worshipped him. They were, as I said, Romantics.
I've always thought this a bit odd, as I think Napoleon was in many ways an exceedingly rational person when weighing ends and means, a master of administration and organization, who was normally not inclined to make decisions based on emotion and impulse. He was of course thought to be unpredictable, and as "the Corsican Ogre" was deemed an excitable and brutal person. He was after all a Frenchman, and worse yet perhaps from the perspective of the English someone of Italian descent, necessarily unstable. He was, though, fully capable of employing this reputation to his advantage as well. I think therefore that much of it was an affectation.
He clearly was an autocrat, a despot, and very much an Emperor in the Roman sense. Quite literally an emperor, in fact, and very deserving of that military title--imperator, a victorious general. In these times it's probable that the fact he was an autocrat is not considered to be as much of a flaw in him as the fact he was a misogynist and a racist, and reestablished slavery in France and its colonies, and empire. Suppression of personal liberty in general appears to be less unworthy than bigotry and enslavement of a race in particular in these culturally sensitive times.
For my part, I've never thought him to be a heroic figure. He's not someone to be emulated. It's not unreasonable to marvel at his energy and swift intelligence, his vast memory and his great military ability. I think it has to be acknowledged he accomplished a great deal. He restored order to a nation which had been through Revolution and Terror, he reorganized a society which in many respects remained mired in feudalism and aristocratic castes and tradition, promoted equality and recognition and reward of merit, created a modern national administration, and fostered and even contributed to the creation of a great system of laws which remains in force in many nations across the world.
He may be said to a tragic figure, though, if not a hero. He died in miserable circumstances 200 years ago today, exiled to a remote island, a captive there for six years. He was by then burnt out and ill, becoming sick and weak as the dull years passed. Chained to a rock like Prometheus, to make an allusion which has long been made. "Tragic" in a way that moralists might use the word as well; someone of great ability who failed to devote his talents to promote the well being and happiness of others.
But in exile he also managed to create his legend, through his memoirs and those of the retainers who were in exile with him, and in that manner became a hero to some. He was in them the Son of the Revolution, greatly misunderstood and condemned, but through his example and ability capable of extending the ideals of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity throughout Europe, destroying the old dynasties which held Europe in slavery for centuries. Anthony Burgess wrote a book about him called Napoleon Symphony, in which this achievement is emphasized. The reference in the title is of course to Beethoven's Eroica Symphony, which Lovely, Lovely Ludwig Von admitted was written with Napoleon in mind but renamed after he declared himself Emperor. By dying Napoleon managed to make himself even greater than he was in life. He was resurrected, as it were, through the legend born in St. Helena; a Christ-like figure in a sense, who suffered and died for France and enlightened people everywhere. Burgess makes this comparison at the end of his book.
The painting of Napoleon above was done in 1814, at the time of his abdication and exile to Elba. For some reason I've always liked it. I certainly like it more than the paintings depicting him as a hero atop a horse, or in his imperial robes, which I think made him look silly. In this painting he looks tired, resigned, contemplative, knowing--I'd say accepting but for the fact he didn't accept that exile (although there is evidence that this was provoked by the failure of the European powers to abide by certain of the terms of his abdication, and even perhaps by threats to his life). I also like one of him at the head of a group of cavalry or an escort, riding through a grey, winter-like landscape, wearing a grey coat and his famous hat. It may depict the retreat from Moscow, but I like to think it shows him leading the remnants of his army, much diminished, in the campaign of 1814 where he faced many enemy commanders with much larger armies invading France and beat them in a series of brilliant victories before the inevitable end.
What is he now, after 200 years? Not a hero. Not a loathsome figure, not the subject of anachronistic contempt. But a remarkable figure of the past who contributed to the world in which we live, for good and bad.
Wednesday, April 28, 2021
The Race Regarding Critical Race Theory
It seems it developed not in the Academy, where we expect theories to be raised, but in the legal academy. That's right, in law school. Perhaps the fact it originated in law schools explains why I've been ignorant of it--I'm a practicing lawyer, and so have been ignoring my law school days for many years. Law school as I experienced it had very little to do with the practice of law.
I became aware of CRT when glancing through Google News and saw a headline about it being banned from public schools by the State of Idaho. Bans imposed by government always interest me. Bans applied to what is taught in schools are especially intriguing. When legislatures seek to limit what is learned, red flags should fly.
In fact, flags have been flying, but of a different sort--flags of the chattering armies of what has been called the Culture War. This is the sort of thing pundits (and pulpits?) delight in, and though I avoid them (both!) I can't help but hear or read of what they say. What they say about CRT is, like all they say, predictable. It continues to baffle me that people are paid large sums of money for telling us exactly what it may be expected they will tell us, but it seems we so enjoy people telling us things, in particular things we like to think, that they will continue to do so.
I read on some of the websites dealing with this issue claims to the effect that CRT is somehow based on or related to Marxism. Idaho in its zeal to ban, or perhaps we should say purge, certain ideas from its schools has also apparently banned Socialism and Marxism. I don't think Communism was mentioned, but there's time enough to ban many ideas if its legislature is so inclined.
I wonder sometimes what people think Socialism to be. I doubt they think it has much to do with the government owning the means of production. What it is imagined Marxism consists of I cannot say. These are words regularly used to inspire fear in our Great Republic, and have been for some time. For all I know, CRT may share certain characteristics with the theory behind Marxism. Whether it does or does not will, of course, depend on what it is, but in the realm of the media and cyberspace, where taking the time to think is discouraged, the tendency is exclaim and declare. Generally, what is proclaimed is left unchallenged or if it is challenged then we can't be bothered to expend the effort to decide what actually is the case.
It seems that CRT involves the claim that racism is a feature of society, and is embedded in our political and social institutions, including the legal system, resulting in the perpetuation of racial inequality. In other words, it encompasses the view that racism is systemic in our society. It seems that it makes the same or similar claims regarding sexuality and gender identification. Unsurprisingly, it rejects claims that racism is in the nature of an aberration and that acts of racism are isolated events, unrepresentative of society as a whole.
When it comes to the legal system, a legal realist would accept that the laws, their enactment, interpretation and enforcement are influenced by race and other considerations, social and economic. It seems naive to think otherwise. For my part, I think it's apparent that racism is a feature of our society.
What seemingly raises concerns in the State of Idaho and elsewhere, however, is the perception that what CRT means in practice is the active denigration of our society, our religion, our government, our nation, and white people in particular. It's claimed that white students come home or will come home from school wondering if something is wrong with them for being white and therefore oppressive and bigoted, or claiming that their parents are, or belittling our nation. It's said that CRT generates a kind of reverse racism and condemns efforts made in the law and society to promote equality as inadequate or worse.
There's nothing more disturbing to a parent than what's taught to their children in school, if it conflicts with what the parent believes. But it isn't difficult for me to imagine proponents of CRT making such claims, in and out of schools. Righteousness and zeal are characteristics of those of us who believe they perceive a great injustice and vow to eradicate it, as is the demonization of opponents to the cause. Such claims are bound to anger and infuriate people who, while trying to live their lives, find themselves considered the successors of evil people, and perpetuators of the terrible consequences of their acts.
It must be acknowledged that it's quite possible to overstate such claims and make generalizations which have little or no basis in fact when it comes to racism, when it comes to most anything for that matter. Take the 1619 Project, for example. Personally, I find it unreasonable to assert that racism and slavery in North America arose when 20 or so enslaved Africans were snatched from a Portuguese ship and brought to what is now Virginia. Also, I think it unreasonable to claim that slavery was a uniquely American phenomenon.
It's nice to think the very real problem of racism in our society could be acknowledged and addressed intelligently. Whether it is the nature of the times or there are other reasons, though, we seem incapable of thoughtfully and pragmatically addressing anything serious. Resentment and rage are reactions to be expected whenever a criticism is made that suggests there are problems to be solved, or that we're at fault or deficient in some sense.
Which brings me to the figure appearing at the top of this post. Represented there are Achilles and his nemesis, the tortoise. The philosopher Zeno imagined a race between the hero and a humble tortoise. Confidant that he'll win the race, Achilles gives the tortoise a head start. Zeno claimed that Achilles would never reach the tortoise, however. Achilles must first reach the spot where the tortoise started. However, when he does the tortoise has move forward. However small a distance it has moved, Achilles must reach that point before passing it. But the tortoise will have moved again before Achilles gets there. So, he'll never even catch up to the tortoise. Zeno is famous for his paradoxes, and this is one of them.
Where racism is concerned, are we Achilles pursuing the tortoise? Will it always be there in front of us? It has a head start.